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HomeGlobal Perspective & Critical ResearchChina’s Alternative Order and What America Should Learn From It

China’s Alternative Order and What America Should Learn From It

Author: Elizabeth Economy            

Affiliation: The Hoover Institution at Stanford University (Former Senior Adviser for China at the US Department of Commerce)

Organization/Publisher: Foreign Affairs

Original Language: English

Date/Place: April 23, 2024/ USA

Type of Literature: Journal Article

Word count: 5307

Link: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/china/chinas-alternative-order-xi-jinping-elizabeth-economy

Keywords: The US-Led Liberal International Order, Chinas Alternative Order, China’s Multilateral Strategy

Summary:

In this article, the author explains the type of world order China aims to replace the US-led liberal international order with. Then, she urges US policy makers to learn from it in order to win the long rivalry with China.

The article is divided into five parts. In the first part, the author outlines Beijing’s vision for a new world order which centers on multipolarity, sovereignty, consensus-based security, and development, challenging US dominance. China criticizes the US for “clinging to the Cold War mentality”, fostering division, interfering in other nations’ affairs, and imposing cultural hegemony. In contrast, Beijing claims that its vision advocates for inclusive global cooperation, with roles for all nations, including the US. At events like the 2024 Munich Security Conference, China emphasizes partnerships with major powers and the global South, presenting itself as a champion of representation and cooperation, and a responsible actor that can a play a role alongside the US in global strategic stability.

The author argues that China’s vision aims to appeal to a broad audience, validating non-democratic choices, empowering smaller democracies, and prompting major powers to reconsider the current order. While some may scoff at China’s rhetoric, global dissatisfaction with the status quo increases receptivity to its proposals. As China promotes a narrative of inclusivity and cooperation, it challenges traditional Western dominance in global affairs.

 

 

The author elaborates in the second part the four key pillars of China’s strategy through which it aims to reshape the world order: the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Global Development Initiative (GDI), the Global Security Initiative (GSI), and the Global Civilization Initiative (GCI). Each initiative aims to advance China’s influence and promote its vision of global governance.

The BRI, launched in 2013, initially focused on infrastructure development but has evolved into a tool for expanding China’s geopolitical influence. It aims to embed Chinese technology and extend its military and economic reach globally, challenging American hegemony.

The GDI, introduced in 2021, emphasizes China’s role in global development. By supporting projects aligned with its priorities, China seeks to assert its economic model and diminish the significance of human rights in international discourse, framing development as the primary driver of progress.

The GSI, unveiled in 2022, promotes a security architecture based on dialogue and noninterference, opposing US-led alliances, and advocating for absolute sovereignty. It provides “Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions” to promote “world peace and tranquility.” The GSI advocates for those countries to “reject the Cold War mentality, oppose unilateralism, and say no to group politics and bloc confrontation”, as Xi puts it.

The GCI, announced in 2023, champions cultural and developmental diversity, challenging the notion of one universal model of human rights. China aims to legitimize its own political and economic systems while undermining the influence of liberal democracies.

China’s multilevel strategy involves bilateral agreements, integration into multilateral organizations, and alignment with global governance frameworks. The BRI serves as a template, with over 150 countries participating and numerous UN agencies endorsing its principles. While progress varies across initiatives, China has garnered international support for the GDI and GSI, with over 70 countries backing the former and over 100 endorsing the latter. Chinese officials have encouraged BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), ASEAN, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to adopt the GSI concept. By weaving its initiatives into the international system, China seeks to reshape global governance in its image, challenging Western dominance and promoting its own interests.

 

The third part of the article illustrates Beijing’s multifaceted approach that demonstrates its commitment to reshaping global norms and institutions. By investing in diplomacy, media influence, technology, and strategic partnerships, China expands its soft and hard power, challenging Western hegemony and promoting its vision for global governance.

With a vast diplomatic network and extensive media presence, China effectively markets its initiatives worldwide. China leverages its state-owned and private enterprises, particularly in technology, to promote its agenda. Through training programs and technological assistance, China disseminates its governance practices, undermining universal human rights norms. For instance, China’s international news network, CGTN, has twice as many overseas bureaus as CNN, and Xinhua, the official Chinese news service, has over 180 bureaus globally. Although Chinese media is often perceived in the West as little more than a crude tool of propaganda, they can advance a positive image of China and its leadership. Studies show that exposure to Chinese messaging shifts preferences towards Chinese political and economic models.

Xi Jinping enhances China’s diplomatic reach by leveraging its security apparatus. Military collaborations and forums, like the China-Africa Peace and Security Forum, advance China’s interests in economic development and regional stability, aligning with its vision for collaborative security. For example, last year, over 100 senior military officials from nearly 50 African nations and the African Union convened in Beijing for the third China-Africa Peace and Security Forum. During the event, China and African participants committed to conducting joint military exercises, aligning with initiatives like BRI and GSI. This collaboration, integrated with the African Union’s Agenda 2063 development plan, aims to foster economic growth, peace, and stability across the continent.

China’s strategic patience and opportunism further its agenda. For instance, it revitalized the Health Silk Road during the COVID-19 pandemic, showcasing its medical resources and promoting Chinese health technologies. Moreover, China exploits geopolitical events like the Russia-Ukraine conflict to advocate for de-dollarizing the global economy, advancing its interests through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative and BRICS.

 

The author, in the fourth part, evaluates China’s initiatives and argues that its efforts to gain international support for its initiatives has yielded mixed results. While rhetorical endorsement from other nations and UN bodies is evident, tangible impact and public support vary.

The Global Development Initiative (GDI) shows promising progress, with 20% of its initial projects completed and 200 more proposed. However, the Global Security Initiative (GSI) faces challenges. While China has claimed success in brokering dialogues (Iran-Saudi Arabia conflict), conflicts like Ukraine and Israel-Palestine persist. Some nations view the GSI skeptically, fearing military alliances as in the case of Nepal. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is reshaping global economies and geostrategic landscape but is facing setbacks. Despite significant investments, Italy’s withdrawal (formerly the biggest economy in the initiative), and declining attendance at BRI forums, with the attendance of only 23 leaders to the 2023 Belt and Road Forum compared to 37 in 2019, signal waning enthusiasm. Furthermore, recipient countries are struggling with debt repayment, raising concerns about BRI’s sustainability.

Public opinion varies. Middle-income nations in Africa and Latin America hold more favorable views of China, but concerns persist. ASEAN countries express apprehension about China’s influence, and Latin American opinion leaders are divided. Support for China’s initiatives in the UN is nuanced. While some back China’s Digital Silk Road, others resist its proposals. The UN Human Rights Council’s decision to block debate on China’s treatment of Uyghurs demonstrates China’s diplomatic prowess but also evokes criticism.

Overall, China’s diplomatic efforts have yielded mixed outcomes, reflecting diverse perceptions and challenges in implementing its initiatives on the global stage.

 

In the last part, the author elucidates some reasons behind China’s global appeal, then provides a range of recommendations to US policy makers in order to win the long competition against China. China’s efforts to promote its transformative vision through initiatives like the GDI, GSI, and GCI are gaining momentum, particularly among BRICS and SCO members, as well as in African countries and nondemocratic states. Beijing’s successes within major institutions like the UN are accumulating, bolstering its authority in the international arena. The appeal of China’s vision is partly rooted in dissatisfaction with the current US-led system, which many perceive as failing to address global challenges effectively. The international community criticizes the system for its inability to tackle issues like pandemics, climate change, and economic crises, as well as its failure to resolve conflicts. Additionally, the US’s unilateral actions, such as deploying sanctions without UN approval and withdrawing from global agreements, have undermined trust in its leadership.

Despite the US’ uphill battle to counter China’s influence, it must aggressively position itself as a force for system change. Adopting an opportunistic approach akin to China’s, the US should capitalize on China’s economic and political challenges to advance its own dynamic vision for the future. This vision should focus on promoting an economic and technological revolution rooted in inclusivity and shared global prosperity.

To realize this vision, the US should advocate for new norms and institutions that integrate emerging and middle-income economies into resilient and diversified global supply chains, innovation networks, and clean manufacturing ecosystems. Initiatives like the US-EU Trade and Technology Council and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework lay the groundwork for strengthening ties with key partners, but more efforts are needed to engage states open to China’s vision.

Artificial intelligence presents an opportunity for the US to signal a new, inclusive approach to global governance. As a leading AI innovator, the US should engage with countries beyond its traditional allies to develop regulations and promote skills training for the next generation of AI jobs. This multi-stakeholder approach contrasts with China’s state-centric diplomacy and underscores the US’s commitment to inclusivity and collaboration. In summary, the US must act decisively to counter China’s influence and promote its own vision for global governance. By seizing opportunities, advocating for inclusive norms and institutions, and leveraging its technological capabilities, the US can shape a future that aligns with its values and interests.

Additionally, Washington must harness the strength of the US private sector and civil society to effectively counter China’s influence and promote its own global vision. Similar to China’s integration of state-owned enterprises and the private sector into initiatives like the BRI and GDI, the US must foster partnerships driven by vibrant, state-initiated, business, and civil society collaboration on the international stage. Despite China’s growing presence, the US remains a more significant and desired source of foreign direct investment and assistance in most parts of the world, including Africa and Latin America. By tapping into the economic objectives of the private sector, Washington can create political and economic environments abroad that support the flourishing of US companies. Institutionalizing public-private partnerships can align US objectives with the strengths of the American private sector, ensuring initiatives remain resilient across political transitions.

Moreover, as other countries’ economies and militaries grow relative to the US, Washington must consider potential tradeoffs. It should reassess the limits of its sanctions policy to slow Beijing’s de-dollarization efforts and preserve the dollar’s dominance. Reforms to the current alliance system are also necessary to address the evolving security landscape shaped by China’s military prowess and its support for allies like Russia. Also, investing in the foundations of competitiveness and national security is crucial for the US to succeed in the long term. This includes filling diplomatic vacancies, enhancing economic competitiveness through initiatives like the Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS and Science Act, and investing in research, development, and advanced manufacturing. Immigration policies that attract top talent and commitments to long-term military capabilities are also essential.

 

In conclusion, Elizabeth Economy points out that maintaining stability in the US-Chinese relationship is key to navigating global challenges. Defining new areas for cooperation, expanding civil society engagement, managing Taiwan policy strategically, and clarifying economic tools for protecting US interests can help manage tensions while advancing Washington’s global vision.

Ultimately, the US must champion the values of openness, transparency, the rule of law, and official accountability to provide an affirmative alternative to China’s vision. These values, characteristic of market democracies, foster innovation, economic growth, and global peace. It is incumbent upon the US and its allies to shape the twenty-first century with a compelling alternative that upholds these principles.

 

By: Djallel Khechib, CIGA Research Fellow 

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