{"id":9130,"date":"2024-04-05T15:23:20","date_gmt":"2024-04-05T15:23:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/?p=9130"},"modified":"2024-04-05T15:26:50","modified_gmt":"2024-04-05T15:26:50","slug":"xi-jinping-and-ideology","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/?p=9130","title":{"rendered":"Xi Jinping and Ideology"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t<div data-elementor-type=\"wp-post\" data-elementor-id=\"9130\" class=\"elementor elementor-9130\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<section class=\"elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-02dcd81 elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default\" data-id=\"02dcd81\" data-element_type=\"section\" data-e-type=\"section\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-container elementor-column-gap-default\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-column elementor-col-100 elementor-top-column elementor-element elementor-element-e6ffdb3\" data-id=\"e6ffdb3\" data-element_type=\"column\" data-e-type=\"column\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-wrap elementor-element-populated\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-908f869 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"908f869\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><b>Author: <\/b><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/JosephTorigian\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joseph Torigian<\/span><\/a><\/p><p><b>Affiliation: <\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">School of International Service, American University (Washington, DC, USA)<\/span><\/p><p><b>Organization\/Publisher:<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u00a0 Kissinger Institute on China and the United States\/<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.wilsoncenter.org\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Wilson Center<\/span><\/a><\/p><p><b>Date\/Place: <\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">June 14, 2022\/Washington, DC, USA<\/span><\/p><p><b>Type of Literature: <\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Journal Article<\/span><\/p><p><b>Number of Pages:<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 32<\/span><\/p><p><b>Link: <\/b><a href=\"https:\/\/www.wilsoncenter.org\/publication\/xi-jinping-and-ideology\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">https:\/\/www.wilsoncenter.org\/publication\/xi-jinping-and-ideology<\/span><\/a><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><b>Keywords:<\/b> <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">China, Ideology, Xi Jinping, Xi Zhongxun, Radicalism, Conviction, Values, Chinese Communist Party, US Rivalry<\/span><\/i><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><b>Brief:<\/b><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Acknowledging how scholars differently explain what \u201cideology\u201d stands for\u2014like whether someone\u2019s political views are cohesive and a tool used to explain, repress, integrate, motivate, or legitimate\u2014the author traces Chinese President Xi Jinping\u2019s evolution as the Chinese Communist Party\u2019s chief. While Xi has advised against a \u201cdogmatic, extremist\u201d approach to policy, the author looks at Xi\u2019s past through his father Xi Zhongxun and why the two-time Chinese president has followed a policy of \u201ccaution about taking steps beyond what the situation allows.\u201d Xi\u2019s life and work reveal why he has instead focused on values and motivation. \u201cA loss of confidence in the CCP\u2019s mission,\u201d the author notes, pointing to Xi\u2019s concept, \u201cwould mean the loss of the party\u2019s political spirit and the spiritual pillar for CCP members to withstand any test.\u201d<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Drawing from many theories and concepts on what constitutes \u201cideology\u201d, including that \u201cideas and interests could not be divorced from one another\u201d and \u201chow a leader is exposed to ideas is itself necessarily a political process,\u201d the author argues that \u201ccharacteristic\u201d of a totalitarian regime is an \u201celaborate ideology bent on societal transformation and world domination.\u201d He explains that just as there was a \u201creturn of ideology\u201d in Soviet studies after the end of the Cold War, in which scholars incorrectly concluded that \u201cideology was the cornerstone that could elucidate all of Soviet history,\u201d outside observers today have likewise \u201cmisjudged the role of ideology in elite (Chinese) politics.\u201d \u201cThe political successions in the Soviet Union and China after Stalin and Mao Zedong are often explained as triumphs of inner-party democracy, leading to a victory of \u2018reformers\u2019 over \u2018conservatives\u2019 or \u2018radicals\u2019,\u201d the author argues.<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, new evidence shows that the \u201cpost-cult-of-personality power struggles were instead shaped by the politics of personal prestige, historical antagonisms, backhanded political maneuvering, and violence.\u201d Referring to official histories of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the CCP, the author notes how they tend to \u201cdefine their past as a series of \u2018line struggles\u2019 in which rightists or leftists are defeated.\u201d While many argue that Xi has demonstrated as being leftist, which contradicts his father\u2019s commitment of having \u201cnever committed a mistake of being leftist,\u201d the author quotes a former CCP official who asserts: \u201cHe is his father\u2019s son; he was born into the family of the most proreform faction; according to the inheritance of CCP and Chinese history, he cannot betray the faction that includes his father\u2026He is the egg laid by his father, the egg of reform\u2026[Xi Zhongxun] was not a typical reformer; he was the greatest reformer; if you use color to categorize, and the reformists were blue, then he was deep blue.\u201d<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Xi\u2019s launch of special economic zones demonstrates his being \u201creformist\u201d while he has insisted on \u201cmore institutionalization within the party and protection for different opinions.\u201d At a time when China is condemned by all for its persecuting ethnic Uyghurs in northwestern Xinjiang province, the author however notes that Xi has often \u201crevealed a \u2018softer\u2019 side with regard to Beijing\u2019s policies toward ethnic minorities.\u201d \u201cThe broader context in which Xi lived helps us see both the power and limitations of ideology as an explanation in specific ways,\u201d the author says. Within the party, the author reveals how the CCP has molded into a more disciplined one where deputies demonstrate Leninist characteristics who \u201cusually care more about discipline and party stability than pushing for their own policies.\u201d Power within the party, the author argues, flows from top to bottom. \u201cMobilizing a \u2018faction\u2019 with any ideological cohesion is taboo.\u201d Thus, the author insists, party discipline has \u201crestrained policy inclinations Xi might have held\u201d as \u201cthe party\u2019s interests come first.\u201d<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">The author finds almost no evidence that would suggest that Xi spoke, criticized or acted against any party campaign that went \u201ctoo far\u201d, as \u201csignificant levels of violence, persecution, and wrongful verdicts\u201d have been committed under his responsibility, which policies he didn\u2019t criticize \u201c until he had a clear sense of which way the wind was blowing.\u201d\u00a0 Instead of \u201calways\u201d pushing for \u201cparticularly aggressive policies,\u201d Xi has instead \u201cworked hard to address mistakes once they were identified.\u201d The author disagrees that Xi has completely \u201cescaped the party\u2019s \u2018leftist mistakes\u2019.\u201d In his academic probe, the author finds an interesting behavior among the CCP cadre: many conflicting approaches in the same individual. It reveals that it is highly unlikely that a CCP member will hold the same position on two different issues, and one would make a poor prediction for \u201chow they might react in other situations.\u201d Despite sharing the same ideological inclinations, the CCP members have to address \u201cconcrete challenges of any particular goal.\u201d The study finds that the CCP leaders pursue \u201cmultiple goals simultaneously, and such objectives may conflict with one another.\u201d<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">During his time as a foot soldier in the CCP, Xi has likewise \u201chad to manage an extraordinary set of different challenges.\u201d Pointing to conflicting approaches in Xi, the author identifies that while he has supported the Special Economic Zones in one province, Xi has yet \u201copposed the household responsibility system, which gave more rights to peasants and was an even more important step in China\u2019s economic restructuring.\u201d This behavior displays \u201ca wide variety of approaches that together do not fit well on a \u2018rightist-leftist\u2019 spectrum.\u201d The author also draws attention to Xi\u2019s different approaches to settling challenges in Xinjiang during the 1980s and his tougher behavior with Catholics.<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">With age, Xi has also reformed himself and urged reforms in the party\u2019s policies. The author suggests that the violence which has erupted in Muslim regions of China was largely due to the CCP policies\u2014Xi acknowledged it and advocated reforms. Xi had to correct himself about why common Chinese were rushing to then British-colonized Hong Kong. When he was told economic stress was the issue, \u201cHe gradually came to understand that the problem was indeed economic and that the PRC (People\u2019s Republic of China) needed to provide more concrete benefits to convince peasants to stay,\u201d the author says about Xi\u2019s time in Guangdong province which borders the semi-autonomous Hong Kong region. From his review of the Chinese president\u2019s articles and speeches, the author believes Xi has avoided \u201cextremes.\u201d Despite his insistence on professing socialist characteristics of the Chinese economy, Xi has regularly \u201cidentified both the benefits and challenges brought by marketization of the Chinese economy.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">After examining the press of the 1980s, the author explains Xi\u2019s modus operandi, that he \u201chas always displayed a belief in the importance of ideals and motivation.\u201d \u201cHere, you don\u2019t hear everyone shouting reform, but reform is everywhere,\u201d the local publication <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">China Youth<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> wrote, describing Xi as a \u201cman without sharp elbows whose main focus was practicality and results, not reform for reform\u2019s sake.\u201d \u201c He is a reformer who does not wear western-style clothes, and he forges ahead without acting aggressively. While persuading people to accept the historical necessity of reform, he can still leisurely have a drink of alcohol. This is a reformer who makes progress with a smile on his face,\u201d the publication added. The author concludes that Xi has been \u201cwalking both a sort of middle path and new path.\u201d Xi, however, warns against \u201cmoney worship, hedonism, ultra-individualism, and historical nihilism.\u201d<\/span><\/p><p>\u00a0<\/p><p><b>By: <\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Riyaz ul Khaliq, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">CIGA Non-resident Research Associate<\/span><\/i><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<\/section>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Author: Joseph Torigian Affiliation: School of International Service, American University (Washington, DC, USA) Organization\/Publisher:\u00a0 Kissinger Institute on China and the United States\/Wilson Center Date\/Place: June 14, 2022\/Washington, DC, USA Type of Literature: Journal Article Number of Pages: 32 Link: https:\/\/www.wilsoncenter.org\/publication\/xi-jinping-and-ideology \u00a0 Keywords: China, Ideology, Xi Jinping, Xi Zhongxun, Radicalism, Conviction, Values, Chinese Communist Party, US [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":22,"featured_media":9131,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-9130","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-east-asia"],"blocksy_meta":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"featured_image_urls":{"full":["https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/Xi-Jinping-and-Ideology.jpg",640,873,false],"thumbnail":["https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/Xi-Jinping-and-Ideology-150x150.jpg",150,150,true],"medium":["https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/Xi-Jinping-and-Ideology-220x300.jpg",220,300,true],"medium_large":["https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/Xi-Jinping-and-Ideology.jpg",640,873,false],"large":["https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/Xi-Jinping-and-Ideology.jpg",640,873,false],"1536x1536":["https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/Xi-Jinping-and-Ideology.jpg",640,873,false],"2048x2048":["https:\/\/geopoliticalcompass.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/Xi-Jinping-and-Ideology.jpg",640,873,false]},"author_info":{"info":["CIGA 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